Feeds:
Posts
Comments

The latest NZ political poll was released by Roy Morgan on Friday, February 5. The poll does not show significant changes in support for any of the parties relative to the last Roy Morgan poll from late January.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

As always, please check the Graphs page for further simulation results.

Based on the recent polling results there appears to be a roughly 6% chance that the Green party will fail to clear the 5% party vote threshold and therefore get no seats in Parliament. Obviously this is partially attributable to the Greens drop in polling (6%, down 2%,) but is also largely due to the statistical errors on the polling averages blowing up due to the small number of polls over the last two months or so. Again, the Green’s polling result does not represent a statistically significant change from the last poll, so this result may very well change due to future polling.

One of the major goals of this site is to try and predict election results based on recent relevant political polling. This is intended to include not just the total number of seats won by each party, but also viable coalition possibilities and electorate level results.

Today I present the simulation results at the candidate level, including probabilities for each major or minor party candidate to be elected to parliament by either winning an electorate or being selected off their party list. First though, in the interests of disclosure, I thought I should release the data I’m using for the party lists. The 2008 Party Lists are available in MS Excel (.xlsx) format [82kB].

The simulation requires the party lists to be input in the form of a list linking each candidate to the electorate they stood for (or else indicating they were a list only candidate.) The list is based largely on the information on the Party lists for the 2008 General Election page on the Elections New Zealand website, and the electorate information from the Candidates by electorate page from Wikipedia, and is amended at discretion.

The data format is as follows:

  1. Party Code : A unique code for each political party.  Parties are numbered 0~7, and ordered firstly by the number of seats won in the 2008 NZ General Election, and secondly by the number of party votes received.
  2. Party
  3. List Ranking
  4. Name : The name of the candidate as given on the Elections New Zealand website.
  5. Electorate : The electorate the candidate stood in. For list-only candidates this will read “list only.”
  6. Electorate Code : A unique code for the electorate.  Electorates are numbered in alphabetical order, with general electorates (#0 ~ #62) preceding Maori electorates (#63 ~ #69). If the candidate is a list-only candidate candidate this code will take the value -1.

For computational reasons each major or minor party candidate standing in an electorate must have a list ranking. In order to avoid having this requirement affect the results the lists are simply extended to 100 candidates for each party, with electorate-only candidates placed in the lowest ranked positions such that they will never be elected to a list seat. The intermediate positions are then filled with dummy candidates: for example, the candidate “NAT-74-list only” refers to the 74th ranked candidate on the National Party list, with the “list only” suffix indicating that they are a list-only candidate. Please feel free to use or amend the file at will. Corrections gratefully accepted.

The current simulation, however, does not use the 2008 Party Lists. Instead it references an alternative list that has been amended to take into consideration changes during the current term of Parliament. This current list used for the simulation is also available in MS Excel (.xlsx) format [82kB]. A summary of changes is as follows:

  1. Labour : The list reflects the retirements of Helen Clark and Michael Cullen during the term of Parliament. Candidates ranked #3 (Phil Goff) onwards are moved up two list places each. Current Parliamentary members are moved up in the list ahead of unsuccessful candidates (ahead of list candidate #42 Judith Tizard). A new candidate replacing Helen Clark (David Shearer, Mount Albert) is included, ranked #41 and inserted into the list ahead of Judith Tizard. A new dummy list candidate (“LAB-77-list only”) is inserted in position #77 in place of Michael Cullen.
  2. National : Richard Worth (unsuccessful candidate for Epsom, list rank #23) is removed, and subsequent candidates are moved up one rank. A new dummy candidate for Epsom (“NAT-67-Epsom”) is inserted in position #67 in his place.
  3. Green : Jeanette Fitzsimons (list-only candidate, list rank #1) and Sue Bradford (candidate for East Coast Bays, list rank #3) are removed, and subsequent candidates moved up. A new dummy candidate for East Coast Bays (“GRE-66-East Coast Bays”) is inserted in position #66 replacing Sue Bradford. A new dummy list candidate (“GRE-67-list only”) is inserted in position #67 in place of Jeanette Fitzsimons.

The above modifications are only intended to capture the spirit of changes since the beginning of the term of parliament and are of course subject to change when the parties release their official party lists closer to the date of the 2011 General Election. If anybody has any serious objections – or is just curious how things would work out with different party lists – and is willing to provide an updated list in the same format then I would be happy to rerun any simulations.

The candidate level results of the most recent simulation (January 22nd, after the release of the latest Roy Morgan Research poll) are shown in the table below (please click for an enlarged view.)

Probabilities for each candidate to be elected to Parliament

The table gives the probabilities for each candidate to be elected to Parliament by winning an electorate, by being elected from their party list, and an overall probability for either method combined. The “Rank” column gives the respective candidate’s relative likelihood of being elected, and is ordered firstly by probability to be elected, and then by party code and list ranking where there is a tie. Probabilities are rounded to the nearest percent.

The first 89 ranked candidates are guaranteed to be elected, and will of course win 89 seats between them. Candidates ranked 90 through to 114 are considered highly likely to be elected, and each have individual probabilities in the 90% to 100% range. These 25 candidates are expected to win a further 24.6 seats between them, for a cumulative total of 113.6 seats in Parliament. After this we get to the marginal list and electorate candidates: those ranked 115 through to 135 have probabilities in the 10% to 90% range. These 21 candidates are expected to win a further 9.4 seats between them, for a cumulative total of 123.0 seats in Parliament. Next we have 14 more canadidates ranked 136 through to 149 who are considered highly unlikely to be elected to Parliament, with probabilities of less than 10% each. These 14 candidates are expected to win only 0.2 seats between them, bringing the cumulative total to 123.2 seats – an expected overhang of 3.2 seats. Finally, candidates ranked 150 through 800 (many not shown in the table for ease of viewing) have no chance of being elected to Parliament based on current polling data.

I realise that the above calculations may seem little more than trivia at the moment given that we are so far out from the next election, and that the finalised party lists and electorate candidates will not be known for a long time. However, the main motivation for doing this simulation is a hope that people will be able to see which individual list candidate their party vote is likely to be counted for. Closer to the 2011 General Election I will begin publishing “effective party lists” on a regular basis. These effective lists will show only those candidates on the cusp of winning a list seat for each party, and will hopefully give NZ voters a better idea of where their vote is going, and a more meaningful alternative to a quick glance at the top of the lists for each party which some seem to use now when deciding how to cast their votes.

Ohariu 2011

A few days ago Jeanette Fitzsimons announced her retirement from Parliament, effective February 11th 2009. Ms Fitzsimons will be replaced by Gareth Hughes, who was ranked #11 on the Green Party List for the 2008 NZ General Election.

The implications of this move for the other major and minor NZ political parties are potentially far greater than many would suspect of a simple swapping of list members, something that has already happened three times in the last year alone (Labour list MP Michael Cullen, National list MP Richard Worth, and Green list MP Sue Bradford have all resigned in the last 10 months.) The reason for this is that the new Green MP Gareth Hughes stood for the Ohariu seat in the 2008 General Election, where he had the effect of splitting the vote and allowing United Future MP Peter Dunne’s party in to Parliament through the MMP electorate waiver (Mr. Dunne did not bring any list MP’s with him, however.) Assuming Gareth Hughes contests Ohariu again in a 2011 General Election he will be campaigning as an MP, not as an outsider, which should change the dynamics of the race. BKD has a multi-part series (prologue, part 1, part 2, part 3, part 4, part 5) looking at how this affects the race in Ohariu.

Firstly, before starting with any analysis, I thought I should mention the latest election simulation results from Ohariu: based on the latest polling averages the United Future candidate (presumably current MP Peter Dunne) is expected to win 73.2% of the time, the National Party candidate (presumably current list MP Katrina Shanks) is expected to win 26.7% of the time, and the Labour Party candidate (presumably current list MP Charles Chauvel) is expected to win 0.1% of the time. I wouldn’t put too much faith in these numbers though, as they are computed partially by comparing the current polling averages to the results of the 2005 and 2008 NZ General Elections, and as National as polling considerably higher than they were then the model is behaving a bit pathologically. Additionally, the model does not take the merits of individual candidates into account, instead calculating probabilities for “generic” candidates from each party, and so doesn’t take into account any changes in the dynamics that will occur due to Mr. Hughes’ presence in Parliament.

Rather than focusing on trying to calculate the probabilities for each of the above candidates, I would instead like to investigate the results of an election under two simple scenarios; firstly with Peter Dunne winning Ohariu, and secondly with him losing. The implications of the first scenario are calculated using a MC Simulation of 50,000 NZ Elections with Dunne winning Ohariu. The resulting distributions of seats for National and Labour are shown below.

Histogram showing the total number of seats National are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #1

Histogram showing the total number of seats National are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #1, with Peter Dunne winning the Ohariu electorate. National are expected to win 66.5 +- 1.8 (RMS) seats.

Histogram showing the total number of seats Labour are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #1

Histogram showing the total number of seats Labour are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #1, with Peter Dunne winning the Ohariu electorate. Labour are expected to win 38.6 +- 1.6 (RMS) seats.

Under this scenario, National are expected to pick up a total of 66.5 +- 1.8 seats in Parliament, and Labour a total of 38.6 +- 1.6 seats.

The implications of the second scenario are calculated analogously using a MC Simulation of 50,000 NZ Elections with Peter Dunne not winning Ohariu. The resulting distributions of seats for National and Labour are again shown below.

Histogram showing the total number of seats National are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #2

Histogram showing the total number of seats National are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #2, with Peter Dunne not winning the Ohariu electorate. National are expected to win 66.8 +- 1.8 (RMS) seats.

istogram showing the total number of seats Labour are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #2

Histogram showing the total number of seats Labour are expected to win in parliament under Scenario #2, with Peter Dunne not winning the Ohariu electorate. Labour are expected to win 38.8 +- 1.6 (RMS) seats.

At a casual glance, it may not be easy to see the difference between these two graphs and the ones shown earlier. However, under this scenario, National are expected to pick up a total of 66.8 +- 1.8 seats and Labour a total of 38.8 +- 1.6 seats. The slightly counter-intuitive result of the study is that if Peter Dunne loses the Ohariu seat both National and Labour are individually expected to be slightly better off, and this result holds regardless of which party’s candidate picks up Ohariu in the event that Mr. Dunne loses. The reason for this outcome is that if Peter Dunne loses Ohariu, his party does not achieve the electorate waiver, and as they are also unlikely to acheive the 5% party vote threshold they end up with no seats in Parliament. This effectively creates an extra list seat for National and Labour to fight over. The probability of it falling to one party or the other (or to a minor party) is roughly proportional to their respective party vote totals. The actual results are shown in the table below to two decimal places:

Comparison of total number of seats won in Parliament by each party for two different scenarios

Comparison of total number of seats won in Parliament by each party for two different scenarios; Peter Dunne wins Ohariu, and Peter Dunne loses Ohariu. The right-most column shows the expected difference for each party between the two scenarios.

This raises an interesting problem with regards to election strategy in the Ohariu electorate. If United Future were equally capable of going into coalition with either a Labour-led or National-led coalition, then Labour would be slightly better of if Peter Dunne won the seat, and National slightly worse off. However, as Peter Dunne has made clear, United Future would not be interested in going into coalition with Labour, and so therefore the opposite applies. Labour’s counter-intuitive goal for the Ohariu electorate in the 2011 NZ General Election is not to win, but rather to make sure that the United Future candidate (or ACT or Maori Party candidates, if applicable) do not win. To do otherwise, and vigorously contest the electorate and risk splitting the vote three or more ways, as they did in the 2008 General Election, would be a massive tactical and strategic blunder, and would indicate a poor understanding of the MMP electoral system. Of course, the above conclusion is of limited importance if the the Labour Party are unable to close the 22% point polling gap between themselves and National, but could be crucial in determining the results of a closer election.

The latest NZ political poll was released by Roy Morgan yesterday, January 21. This is the first NZ political poll to be released in 2010, and the first poll since the last Roy Morgan Research poll released 34 days previously. This is fairly typical of the Christmas/New Year period in NZ, when polling data is sparse and there is normally a 30 to 40 day period of down time between the final poll of one year and the first poll of the next. The poll does not show significant changes in support for any of the parties relative to the last Roy Morgan poll.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

As always, please check the Graphs page for further simulation results.

Given that new political poll releases have been a bit sparse over the Xmas/New Year’s period I thought I’d branch out and look at some of the stock on iPredict.

iPredict is a New Zealand-based prediction market, and they are currently running stocks based on the result of the first Roy Morgan political poll for New Zealand to be released in 2010. In fact they have two bundles of stocks for the results of the poll for both National and for Labour. The prices of the stocks earlier this afternoon are shown in the screen captures below.

Screen capture of NAT.JAN10 stocks.

Screen capture of NAT.JAN10 stocks for first Roy Morgan poll of 2010 on iPredict taken on 2010/01/12.

Screen capture of LAB.JAN10 stocks.

Screen capture of LAB.JAN10 stocks for first Roy Morgan poll of 2010 on iPredict taken on 2010/01/12.

Each stock will only pay out if the polling result falls into a predefined range; for example, if the poll shows support for National of between 53.5% and 55.5% inclusive then the NAT.JAN10.HIGH stock will be judged at $1 and the other four stocks in the bundle will be judged at $0. The values listed next to “Probability” give the implied probabilities for each stock to pay out based on the most recent trade. Unfortunately the stocks don’t give an expected polling result, but it is possible to figure out roughly what the market is pricing the results at by calculating a weighted average of the stocks in each bundle. A very naive average of the stocks for both National and Labour gives polling expectations of approximately 52.8% +- 2.4% for National, and of 30.3% +- 2.2% for Labour’s polling

It is interesting to compare these results with the most recent Kiwi Poll Guy polling averages from the 18th December 2009 which had National polling at 55.0% +- 1.4%, and Labour polling at 29.7% +- 1.1%. Based on these numbers the iPredict stocks appear to be priced very appropriately. Any differences between the most recent polling averages and the current stock price averages lie within a reasonable margin of error, and the standard deviation also seems feasible given that there have been no political polls for a month or so, and opinion may well have changed over the Xmas/NY period. Additionally, the slightly larger implied variation on the stocks seems reasonable given that the poll will most likely be based on about 1000 respondents, introducing an additional increase in the standard deviation of the results of approximately +- 1% on top of the margin of error in the polling averages.

To analyse the results further, and try and look for a few possible bargains, I’ve tried to determine the payout probabilities for each of the five stocks in the LAB.JAN10 and NAT.JAN10 bundles as determined by a MC Simulation of the January 2010 Roy Morgan poll based on the most recent polling averages. The simulation takes pollster bias into account by comparing the results of previous Roy Morgan polls with those of other pollsters. It also takes into account the statistical error caused by the limited number of respondents, assumed here to be distributed according to a normal distribution with mean and standard deviation of 1300 and 100 respondents, respectively. The simulation does not take into account any changes in support for any of the eight major or minor NZ political parties since the most recent polling averages were calculated in December, and should therefore be taken with an appropriate amount of caution. The results are shown in the table below.

Payout probabilities for each of the five stocks in each of the two Roy Morgan poll bundles in iPredict.

Table showing the payout probabilities for each of the five stocks in the LAB.JAN10 bundle (left) and the NAT.JAN10 bundle (right) on iPredict, as determined by MC Simulation of the January 2010 Roy Morgan poll based on recent polling averages.

When comparing these results with the current stock prices shown above there is again fairly good agreement, with the possible exception of the National VLOW stock and the Labour HIGH and VHIGH stocks, which appear to be slightly overpriced, and the Labour LOW stock, which appears to be slightly underpriced. There doesn’t, however, appear to be a lot of money to be made here by making single one-off trades, either by trading and waiting for the market to correct to cover your position, or by holding until judging takes place.

In order to make any profits here I think it is necessary to take a more in-depth look at the numbers and try to find some kind of correlation between the stocks in the National and Labour bundles. The probabilities for each of the 25 different possible permutations are shown in the following table.

Payout probabilities for each of the different permutations of the stocks in the two Roy Morgan poll bundles in iPredict.

Table showing the payout probabilities for each of the different permutations of the five stocks in the LAB.JAN10 and NAT.JAN10 bundles on iPredict, as determined by MC Simulation of the January 2010 Roy Morgan poll based on recent polling averages.

Here the five rows correspond to the five possible outcomes for the LAB.JAN10 stock (VLOW, LOW, MID, HIGH, VHIGH), and the five columns correspond to the five possible outcomes for the NAT.JAN10 stock (also VLOW, LOW, MID, HIGH, VHIGH.) You can see a string of more-likely outcomes running along the lower-left to upper-right diagonal, with outcomes in the upper-left and lower-right corners of the table predicted to be much less likely. This agrees with expectations, as the support for the National and Labour parties are known to be highly negatively correlated; a high level of support for the National Party implies a low level of support for the Labour Party, and vice versa.

If you compare the probabilities in this table with the prices of the stocks shown above you may start to see opportunities to make some fairly risk-free profit. For example, consider buying the stock NAT.JAN10.VHIGH at 11c and selling LAB.JAN10.HIGH at 26c, for an instant profit of 15c per pair of stocks traded. The only way this strategy can go wrong is if the result is HIGH for Labour and anything other than VHIGH for National, a probability of only about 6% according to simulation results shown in the table. In fact the actual calculations give an expected profit of 19c with a risk of 39c for each pair of stock traded, which isn’t too bad a return for a couple of weeks. The even better news is that because of the negative correlation between the polling results for Labour and National mentioned above this result is likely to hold even if the simulation predictions are slightly off. This is the main advantage of trading one stock from each of these bundles together as a pair over trading the stocks individually. Another pair worth looking at is NAT.JAN10.VLOW and LAB.JAN10.HIGH.

These trades aren’t arbitrage in the technical sense, as they are not entirely risk-free, but they’re the next best thing.

In other news, I’m wondering if perhaps I could find some way to include these numbers in the Kiwi Poll Guy polling averages. At the moment my gut feeling is that I probably shouldn’t, mainly because the stock prices seem to react more to the results of new polls after they are released rather than moving based on other non-polling factors, so I’m not quite convinced of their predicative power. I’d be interested to hear any ideas on this though. I look forward to seeing some of the stats on the trading from the iPredict team after these contracts close in a couple of weeks.

The latest NZ political poll was released by Roy Morgan on the 18th December. The poll shows an increase in support of 2.5% for the Green Party, and a corresponding drop in support of 3.0% for the Labour Party relative to the last Roy Morgan poll. Other parties are largely unchanged.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

As always, please check the Graphs page for further simulation results.

The latest NZ political poll was released by Reid Research for TV3 on the 13th December. The poll shows a decrease in support of 4.7% for the National Party, and a corresponding rise in support of 3.6% for the Labour Party relative to the last Reid poll published a couple of months ago on the 15th of October.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

As always, please check the Graphs page for further simulation results.

Much of the commentary from the mainstream media strongly emphasise a Labour Party gain in the polls, and either directly or indirectly attribute the gain to specific recent events. Stuff’s article “Goff makes gains in latest poll” and an identical article in The New Zealand Herald, for example, claim that

Labour leader Phil Goff has finally managed to take a small chunk out of National’s sky high political popularity … TV3’s latest poll includes the public reaction to Mr Goff’s attack on the “shabby deal” between National and the Maori Party over the emissions trading scheme, which he said benefited the Maori elite.

It’s not obvious, however, that National’s ratings have changed at all since their highs earlier this year. Individual polls will normally have fairly large margins of error; for example, about 3% (calculated at the 68% confidence level) on National’s ratings for the last two Reid polls. On that basis, National would need to hemorrhage a lot more than 5% of their support between polls before you could be confident you were seeing an actual, statistically meaningful decline.

The Kiwi Poll Guy moving averages seem to tell a different story. They currently have National on 55.3% +- 1.5%, compared to a post-election peak of 56.3% +- 0.9% on the 10th of October and 54.3% +- 0.9% on the 15th of February – a full ten months ago. Not only is it not obvious what effect the ETS legislation, “hikes in ACC levies,” and “the furore over Maori Party MP Hone Harawira” have had on National’s polling, it’s not even obvious there have been any changes in support at all. While there appear to have been small rises and falls of the order of 1% or so in the last ten months, it is difficult to assert as much with any statistical certainty.

Labour’s polling tells a similar story. The moving averages currently have them on 30.1% +- 1.1%, compared to 29.2% +- 0.7% ten months ago. During that time Labour have fluctuated by 1~2%, although any gains and losses appear to be more at the expense of the Green Party, ACT, and New Zealand First rather than National.

The latest NZ political poll was released by Roy Morgan on the 7th December. The poll shows a small increase of 2% in support for the National Party, and a drop of 2.5% in support for the Labour Party relative to the last Roy Morgan poll.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties

Based on the current polling averages National would be expected to win 65.7 +- 1.8 (RMS) seats in parliament, almost – but not quite – a guaranteed outright majority. Labour is expected to win 39.6 +- 1.6 (RMS) seats.

Please check the Graphs page for further simulation results.

The latest NZ political poll was a TV One Colmar Brunton poll released on the 29th November. Unfortunately I couldn’t find any information about it on the Colmar Brunton website, so I’ve had to go with a news article from Stuff instead. The poll doesn’t show a huge change from the last Colmar Brunton poll in September, and agrees fairly well with the latest Roy Morgan poll.

As usual, the two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the eight major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties

Party vote support for the six minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue) respectively.

Based on the current polling averages National would be expected to win 65.2 +- 1.7 (RMS) seats in parliament, almost – but not quite – a guaranteed outright majority. Labour is expected to win 39.8 +- 1.5 (RMS) seats.

In other news, I have figured out a way to update the graphs page automatically when I rerun the simulations after a new poll is released. Please have a look there to see the updated polling averages, updated Scenario Analysis graphs, overhang predictions, and predictions for the distribution of electorate seats and total seats won by each party in Parliament.

In the last few posts we’ve looked at polling averages and the number of electorate seats and total seats won in Parliament by the various political parties. For most people, however, when looking at political polls the main result they are interested in is which party or coalition would win an election if it was held today.

To answer this question we use the same technique as we used to calculate the distributions of electorate seats: a Monte Carlo Simulation. Based on the latest polling averages we simulate a single election, figure out which party or coalition wins, and then repeat that process 10000 times to average out the statistical uncertainties. After that it is just a simple matter of counting up the results to get the probabilities. When we do this with the polling averages from the 20th November, after the release of the latest poll from Roy Morgan Research, we get the following results.

Scenario analysis for 20th November 2009.

Scenario analysis for 20th November 2009, listing the probabilities for different possible outcomes for a NZ General Election if held on that date.

As can be seen from the table, we calculate a 99.87% chance of National attaining an outright majority, and an additional 0.13% chance of a National-ACT coalition government. It is necessary though to clarify that the 0.13% does not necessarily mean that the result of an election would be a National-ACT government, rather it simply refers to the probability that National would not have enough seats to govern alone, but National and ACT between them would. Under these circumstances National and ACT might instead choose to form a broader coalition containing other parties, such as the Maori Party and United Future; or National may choose to ignore ACT and instead form a coalition with another party such as the Green Party; or ACT may instead choose to go into a grand coalition with all parliamentary parties except National. The only reason the table refers to a National-ACT coalition instead of one of these other possible results is that it is considered the most likely outcome based on the political reality of the relationships between the parties as of the present.

The information in the above table can alternatively be summarised as a bar graph, as shown below.

Scenario analysis for 20th November 2009.

Scenario analysis for 20th November 2009. Bar graph shows the probabilities for different possible outcomes for a NZ General Election if held on that date. Results are identical to those in the table above.

This graph, however, isn’t particularly interesting, at least given the near certainty of a National Party absolute majority due to their current dominant lead in the polls. It may be more interesting to instead look at similar Scenario Analysis graphs from the dates of previous NZ General Elections.

Firstly, the predictions (retrodictions) for the 2008 General Election were (are) as follows:

Scenario analysis for 8th November 2008, the date of the 2008 NZ General Election. Bar graph shows the probabilities for different possible outcomes for a NZ General Election if held on that date.

Here the most likely outcome (approximately 75% probability) is of a National-ACT coalition, which is in fact what happened; in the 2008 NZ General Election National’s 58 seats were not enough to govern alone, and they had to rely on the 5 seats from the ACT party to attain a majority. There is also a roughly 20% probability that National and ACT between them would need additional seat(s) from United Future to form a majority; and a roughly 5% probability that National, ACT and United Future would not hold enough seats between them to form a majority, and the Maori Party would hold the balance of power in parliament, albeit with the Center-Right coalition having a numerical advantage over the Center-Left.

Next, the predictions (retrodictions) for the 2005 General Election were (are) as follows:

cenario analysis for 17th September 2005.

Scenario analysis for 17th September 2005, the date of the 2005 NZ General Election. Bar graph shows the probabilities for different possible outcomes for a NZ General Election if held on that date.

Here the near-certain outcome is for a four-way coalition between Labour, the Progressives, the Green Party and the New Zealand First Party, which again is what happened in the 2005 NZ General Election, or at least what would have happened if the parliamentary parties were on the same terms with each other then as they are now. The final results had Labour on 50 seats, Progressives with 1 seat and the Green Party with 6 seats, for a total of 57 seats – not enough to govern without the additional support of New Zealand First’s 7 seats. Of course that is not how the coalition negotiations worked out, but again that is due to looking at the 2005 results through the lens of the relationships between the parties as they are in 2009, and not a problem with the simulation itself. The ability of the simulation to correctly retrodict the overall outcomes of the 2005 and 2008 NZ General elections gives some confidence in the models it uses.

Finally, we can take the probabilities of the three major scenarios – National-led government, Labour-led government, and Maori Party balance of power – and plot them as a time series graph to show how the probabilities for each scenario have changed over the last 4 or so years. The results are shown in the figure below:

Time series for Scenario Analysis results.

Time series for Scenario Analysis results. Horizontal axis represents the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. Lines show probabilities of a National-led government (blue), Labour-led government (red) and Maori Party balance of power (pink).

As you can see, Labour’s chances of holding together a winning coalition vanished rapidly within a few months of the 2005 election. The Maori Party were then predicted to hold the balance of power for most of the next two years, before National’s rise in the polls. Other than a brief and small (~5%) dip around the 2008 election, the National Party have looked certain of leading the government since about late November 2007. Ignore the small dip in National’s probability on the far right of the graph, that merely reflects the uncertainty due the errors on the polling averages blowing up because the simulation is performed too far in the future. They may vanish depending on future polling.

Due to National’s current lead in polling these graphs are unlikely to change significantly in the near future, so I won’t be writing too many front page posts on them. I will try to make the most recent Scenario Analysis graphs available on the graphs page though, so please have a look there if interested whenever new polls come out.

The latest NZ political poll was released by Roy Morgan Research on the 19th November. It showed a relatively large drop in support for National of 4 points (from 55.5% to 51.5%) and a gain for Labour of 4 points (from 29% to 33%).

The current party vote polling averages for each party are shown in the table below along with their margins of error.

Party vote polling averages.

Party vote polling averages and margins of error.

The two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll. The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Party vote support for the 8 major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls.

Party vote support for the 8 major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

Party vote support for the 6 minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls.

Party vote support for the 6 minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

Based on these polling averages we’ve determined the number of seats won by each party in parliament by use of a MC simulation. The results for each of the five biggest parties are shown in the histograms below.

Based on the current polling averages National would be expected to win 67.6 +- 2.0 (RMS) seats in parliament, almost – but not quite – a guaranteed outright majority. Labour is expected to win 39.2 +- 1.7 (RMS) seats.

Total number of seats won by National.

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by National in parliament.

Total number of seats won by Labour.

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by Labour in parliament.

Total number of seats won by the Green Party.

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by the Green Party in parliament.

Total number of seats won by ACT.

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by ACT in parliament.

Total number of seats won by the Maori Party.

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by the Maori Party in parliament.

Time stamps

Apologies. I’ve been having a bit of trouble with the time and date stamps on posts due to mixing up time zones. This might have made some posts publish twice and others out of order. Sorry for any inconvenience if anybody is on an RSS feed.

Yesterday I started on a general outline of how the electoral seat simulation works. Today I show the results for the number of electoral seats won by each party (the Green Party and New Zealand First are not expected to win any electorate seats, and thus are not shown.)

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by National.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by National. Expected number of seats is 50.3 +- 2.0 (RMS). National are expected to win 47 or more electorate seats at the 95% confidence level.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by Labour.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by Labour. Expected number of seats is 11.8 +- 2.2 (RMS). Labour are expected to win 15 or fewer electorate seats at the 95% confidence level.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the ACT party.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the ACT party. ACT have a ~91% chance of picking up the Epsom seat.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the Maori Party.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the Maori Party. Maori party are predicted to most likely win 5 or 6 electorate seats. They are guaranteed to win Tamaki Makaurau, Te Tai Hauauru, Te Tai Tokerau and Waiariki.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the Progressive party.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by the Progressive party. The Progressives have a ~93% chance of picking up the Wigram seat.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by United Future.

Histogram showing number of electorate seats won by United Future. United Future have a ~58% chance of picking up the Ohariu seat.

Also, as hinted at in the post yesterday, the electoral seat simulation is important as it influences the number of overhang seats in Parliament. Based on the simulation the total number of seats in Parliament and the number needed to form a majority are calculated, and the results are summarised in the histograms below.

Histogram showing the total number of seats in Parliament.

Histogram showing the total number of seats in Parliament. Expected number of seats is 123.0 +- 1.1 (RMS). In other words, there is expected to be an overhang of 3.0 +- 1.1 seats.

Histogram showing the number of seats needed to form a majority in Parliament.

Histogram showing the number of seats needed to form a majority in Parliament. 62 seats in Parliament is expected to probably be enough to form a majority.

Electorate seats

Correctly predicting the winners of the 70 electorate contests is vital for any New Zealand General Election simulation to be meaningful. There are two major reasons for this; firstly, for many of the minor political parties the electorate waiver determines eligibility to receive additional list seats in parliament, a current example being the four list seats held by the ACT Party solely because Rodney Hide won the Epsom electorate. Secondly, electorate seats can be the cause of an overhang which alters the number of seats needed to form a majority: in the 2008 New Zealand General Election the Maori Party’s five electorate seats caused an overhang of two seats in parliament, meaning the governing coalition would need 62 seats for a majority instead of the normal 61.

Unfortunately, accurately predicting the winners of the electorate seats is also quite a difficult task, mainly because they are not subject to the same level of polling intensity as the nation as a whole.  This means it is necessary to model the electorate contests by some other means.  I hope to do a series of detailed posts later about how the poll-averaging and election simulation works, but I figured the electorate seat calculation was likely to be a bit contentious, so I thought I’d get a rough explanation out of the way first.

There’s a handful of ways to predict these results:

  1. Just assume the results are unchanged from the previous General Election.  This is the zero-knowledge solution, and is used by David Farrar for his Curiablog public poll average calculations [actually, it's a bit more complicated, see below].
  2. Calculate the results for each electorate by calibrating them against another index that you can measure.  This was the method used by David Farrar in his “Electoral Pendulum” series leading up to the 2008 election.  It is also the method used by FiveThirtyEight for their calculation of the “Partisan Polling Index (PPI)”.
  3. Try to predict the vote for an electorate by use of regression analysis on a variety of different variables. In the case of New Zealand these may include age distribution, ethnic distribution, qualifications, iwi and religious distributions, family incomes, marital and socio-economic status, occupations and others – all of which are available on the New Zealand Parliament website. This was another of the methods FiveThirtyEight used to predict the state-by-state results of the Electoral College for the 2008 US Presidential Election.

In addition to the above methods it is preferable to include electorate-level polling data where available, but it is not possible to rely on it completely due to sparsity and small sample sizes (I believe the Curiablog polling average does include electorate level polling data where available, and uses the results from the last election as a fallback position where it is not.)

For this simulation/website we’ve decided to more or less go with method #2 above. There are a few reasons for this; firstly, it’s feels intuitively correct. Secondly, there is a bit of historical data in New Zealand and overseas to indicate the swing in the electorate polling correlates with a swing nation-wide. Thirdly, it’s relatively simple (compared to method #3 above.) Fourthly, New Zealand votes under the MMP electoral system, which means that while the exact electoral results are important for determining the exact number of seats held by each party in parliament, they are of only limited importance in determining the overall result of an election. In addition to the above reasons, it is easy enough to combine this method with electorate-level polling data when it is available (most likely in the lead-up to an election,) so any unusual results should hopefully take care of themselves in the long run anyway.

Effectively the algorithm operates by assigning eight numbers to each electorate to indicate how the electorate vote in that electorate differs from the party vote in the nation as a whole. These eight numbers are determined from the results of the 2005 and 2008 NZ General Elections. For Tauranga, Epsom, Wigram, Ohariu, and the seven Maori electorates this can get a bit complicated, but for the remaining 59 electorates only one of these eight numbers is effectively meaningful; a number we denote \delta e_0, and which roughly parametrizes the swing in the vote in the electorate as viewed on a traditional left-right political scale. Positive values of \delta e_0 correspond to a swing towards the National Party, negative values to a swing towards the Labour Party, and near-zero values indicate New Zealand’s bellwether electorates. The values for some electorates are shown in the table below.

Electorate biases.

Electorate biases for a sample of New Zealand electorates. Helensville, Taranaki-King Country and Clutha-Southland are National strongholds, East Coast Bays, Ilam and Nelson are typical National-leaning electorates, Rotorua, Otaki and Hamilton West are bellwether electorates, Christchurch Central, Hutt South and Rimutaka are typical Labour-leaning electorates, and Mt Albert, Manukau East and Mangare are Labour-strongholds.

Based on the values of \delta e_0 and the current polling averages we simulate the results for each electorate if an election were held today. The probabilities for candidates from each party to win an electorate are shown below for the same electorates in the table above.

Sample electorate seat results.

Simulation results of selected electorate seats based on current polling averages. The columns denote the National Party (NAT), Labour Party (LAB), ACT, Maori Party (MAO), Progressive's (PRO), and United Future (UNF). The Green Party and New Zealand First party are not expected to win any electorate seats, and are not shown. A large swing in favour of National is expected; in the 2008 General Election the electorates of Christchurch Central, Hutt South, Rimutaka and Manukau East were all convincingly won by Labour.

Tomorrow, I’ll show graphs indicating how many electorates each party are expected to pick up in total.

Based on the latest polling averages after the new Roy Morgan Poll was published on the 5th of November, we’ve determined the number of seats won by each party in parliament by use of a MC simulation.  The results for each of the five biggest parties are shown in the histograms below.

Based on the current polling averages National would be expected to win 69.25 +- 1.67 (RMS) seats in parliament, enough for a guaranteed outright majority.  Labour is expected to win 37.12 +- 1.45 (RMS) seats.

Total number of seats won by National

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by National in parliament.

Total number of seats won by Labour

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by Labour in parliament.

Total number of seats won by the Green Party

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by the Green Party in parliament.

Total number of seats won by ACT

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by ACT in parliament.

Total number of seats won by the Maori Party

Histogram showing the total number of seats won by the Maori Party in parliament.

The two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after the new poll by Roy Morgan Research (published 5th November). The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Moving averages of party vote

Party vote support for the 8 major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

Moving averages of party vote

Party vote support for the 6 minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

The two graphs below summarise the polling averages for the party vote after new polls by Roy Morgan Research (published 21st October) and Reid for TV3 (published 15th October). The horizontal axes represent the date, starting 60 days before the 2005 NZ General Election, and finishing 60 days from the present. The solid lines with grey error bands show the moving averages of the party vote for each party, and circles show individual polls with the vertical lines representing the total errors.

Moving averages of party vote

Party vote support for the 8 major and minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to National (blue), Labour (red), Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

Moving averages of party vote

Party vote support for the 6 minor NZ political parties as determined by moving averages of political polls. Colours correspond to Green Party (green), New Zealand First (black), Maori Party (pink), ACT (yellow), United Future (purple), and Progressive (light blue), respectively.

Welcome

Welcome to Kiwi Poll Guy. This is a site devoted to NZ political polling, and trying to predict the results of a NZ General Election by use of a Monte Carlo Simulation.

I am also interested in the upcoming Referenda on MMP that will be held concurrently with the 2011 NZ General Election, and hope to use this blog to study some of the proposed alternative electoral systems.

Most of the work will be on these various simulations, rather than this site itself, so it might be a bit scruffy for the near future. If you have any comments, criticism or advice, please get in touch. I can be reached at kiwipollguy@gmail.com.

The first proper post tomorrow will give a summary of the current state of polling for the party-vote.